Mehmet Öztürk’s analysis traces Kurdish history from Ottoman integration to modern political representation, including key developments under President Erdoğan’s government in Türkiye.
| Photo Credit: By Special Arrangement
Mehmet Öztürk is a distinguished Turkish journalist and analyst, renowned for his expertise in international relations, particularly in conflict and peace studies. Throughout his decades-long career, he has reported on pivotal events, including the Afghan-Soviet War, and has extensively covered Kurdish issues. His professional roles have included serving as Assistant Coordinator at Türkiye’s official broadcaster, TRT Arabic, and as Head of the Languages Department at Anadolu Agency. Today, he is recognised as one of Türkiye’s foremost political commentators. He spoke to Frontline about the Kurdish identity, rights, and politics across West Asia, examining the historical context and current challenges in Türkiye, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. Excerpts:
Can you tell us who the Kurds are and their significance in West Asia?
Kurds are an indigenous people of West Asia, unlike Turks, who migrated from Central Asia and other regions. They are the second-largest ethnic group in Türkiye, after the Turks. Kurds inhabit a vast geographical area, including Iran, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Jordan, the Balkans, and Russia. They also have a significant presence in Iraq and Syria. However, the Kurdish population is divided across all these countries, making their presence unique yet fragmented.
Have the Kurds ever had their own independent nation?
Yes, they had. Kurds had several independent states throughout history, such as Mitanni’s, Med state, Sheddaade, Botan Emirates, Hakkari Emirates, Marwānī State, Eyyubi’s, and the last, a short-lived Kurdish self-governing unrecognised state in present-day Iran of the Republic of Mahabad. That said, Kurds have produced notable figures such as Saladin, or Salah ad-Din Ayyubi, who defeated the Crusaders and captured Jerusalem in 1187.
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Why is the Kurdish issue haunting West Asia these days?
The Kurdish issue is largely a legacy of World War I. Kurds were, mostly, part of the Ottoman Empire, where only religious minorities were recognised—not ethnic ones. Since Kurds are predominantly Muslim, they were not acknowledged as a distinct group; they are as equal as other citizens of Türkiye, constitutionally. Under the Ottomans, Kurds were integral to the Ottoman Empire and were responsible for defending mountainous regions and borders. They mixed into Ottoman society, much like the Caucasians and other Muslim ethnicities.
How did the situation change after the fall of the Ottoman Empire?
When a secular government replaced the Ottomans, the Republic of Türkiye was established in 1923 as a unitary state. Therefore, Kurds were not recognised as a minority. The newly independent state of Türkiye clashed with the Kurds, largely because of the Kurds’ deeply religious nature, which the secularists opposed, and also because of Kurdish rebellions. The government bombed Tunceli in 1937 and 1938 to suppress Kurdish dissent, which is known as the “Dersim Rebellion”, resulting in massacres. The current President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan apologised on behalf of the state of Türkiye for the Dersim massacre back in 2011.
The south-eastern region of Türkiye, predominantly Kurdish, has remained underdeveloped due to periodic rebellions and due to the negligence of successive governments in the Cold War era.
What led Kurds to take up arms?
Before 1980, Turkish society was deeply polarised, leading to clashes between leftist and rightist extremists, resulting in around 15,000 deaths. After the 1980 military coup, the Kurdish armed militant group PKK, or Kurdistan Workers’ Party, launched a guerrilla war. Founded by Kurdish students from Ankara University, it has an ideology based on Marxist-Leninist and ethnic separatism. The PKK received international support and significantly challenged Turkish security forces. PKK is on the terrorist organisation lists of many European countries, including the United States, Canada, and Australia. The European Union also recognised the PKK as a terrorist organisation in 2004.
An Iraqi-Kurdish Peshmerga soldier takes part in a graduation ceremony in Arbil, the capital of Iraq’s northern autonomous Kurdish region, on December 3, 2024.
| Photo Credit:
SAFIN HAMID/AFP
How did Türkiye respond to the PKK?
The PKK eventually gained influence over major cities in south-eastern Türkiye. The Turkish government accused Syria of supporting the rebellion and harbouring PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. After escalating tensions and a near-invasion by Türkiye, Syria deported Öcalan following intense diplomatic pressure. While Öcalan was travelling around various countries to seek asylum, he was captured by Turkish intelligence in Kenya and brought to Turkey in 1999. He was found responsible for the deaths of 30,000 people during the trial.
What role have Kurdish political groups played in Turkish politics?
The PKK also tried its hand at politics, forming a political wing that gained parliamentary representation through the Social Democratic Party back in the 1990s. Today, Kurdish MPs are active in Türkiye’s parliament. People’s Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) is the third-largest political force in the country, with 57 Kurdish MPs. Another Kurdish party, HÜDA-PAR, represents Islamist Kurds and is sometimes referred to as the Turkish Hezbollah.
When Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AK Party first came to power, it included a significant number of Kurdish MPs. Prominent Kurdish politicians in Turkish mainstream politics include current Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz, Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, and opposition leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. The ruling AK Party currently has 70 Kurdish MPs in parliament and ministers in the cabinet.
How significant are Kurds demographically in Türkiye?
Kurds make up approximately 15-20 per cent of Türkiye’s population and have a higher fertility rate than Turks. This demographic trend raises the possibility of a significant shift in the population balance in the future. Today, there are around 4 million mixed families in the region, where Kurds have intermarried with non-Kurds. The largest Kurdish-populated city globally is Istanbul, Türkiye’s megapolis.
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What is the situation of Kurds in Iraq?
In Iraq, Kurds have an autonomous region called the Kurdistan Regional Autonomous Government. Iraq’s current President, Abdul Latif Rashid, and Foreign Minister, Fuad Hussein, are Kurds. The region is dominated by two major Kurdish factions—the Barzanis and Talabanis—who compete for influence.
What about Kurds in Syria?
In Syria, before the civil war, Kurds faced severe discrimination, including denial of citizenship rights. Ironically, the same regime that oppressed them also supported the Kurdish militant organisation PKK against Türkiye.
During the civil war in Syria, Kurds allied with the United States and, with Western support, now control approximately 30 per cent of Syrian territory. However, as the Bashar al-Assad regime collapses, Kurds may negotiate to integrate into a central Syrian government.
How are Kurds treated in Iran?
Iran, like Türkiye, has a unitary system, and Kurds are not recognised as a distinct ethnicity. They face double discrimination as Sunni Muslims and as a separate ethnic group. The Kurdish armed group PJAK [Kurdistan Free Life Party] operates in Iran similarly to how the PKK operates in Türkiye. On the other hand, Kurds have representation in the Iranian parliament.
How has the Turkish government addressed Kurdish cultural issues in recent years?
After the 1980 coup, the Kurdish language was banned, and speaking Kurdish in public places was prohibited. Kurds have long demanded primary education in their mother tongue. It is a fact that under Erdoğan’s AK Party since 2002, many restrictions were lifted. A Kurdish TV channel was launched through the official TRT network, and a Kurdish language wing was established at the official Anadolu Agency. During the AK Party period, intensive development activities were carried out in regions where Kurds lived densely, as was the case in other parts of Türkiye.
Iftikhar Gilani is an Indian journalist based in Ankara.
